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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ ВВЕДЕНИЕ......................................................................................... 4 Раздел I. ОПИСАНИЕ ПОГРЕБЕНИЙ Раскопки 1988 г.............................................................................. 10 Раскопки 1989
г............................................................................ 115 Раскопки 1991 г............................................................................ 143 Раскопки 1994 г. .......................................................................236 Раскопки 1995
г............................................................................244 Раскопки 1996 г............................................................................251 Раздел II. ПОГРЕБАЛЬНЫЙ ОБРЯД МОГИЛЬНИКА КЛИН-ЯР III . . . 253 Раздел 111. ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА ПОГРЕБАЛЬНОГО ИНВЕНТАРЯ МОГИЛЬНИКА
КЛИН-ЯР ill 111.1. Глиняная посуда........................................................ . 279 111.2. Орудия труда...........................................................................297 111.3. Оружие, воинское и конское снаряжение........................ 315 111.4.
Украшения...........................................................................355 Раздел IV. РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ПАЛЕОАНТРОПОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО И ПАЛЕОДЕМОГРАФИЧЕСКОГО ИЗУЧЕНИЯ ДРЕВНЕ ГО НАСЕЛЕНИЯ КЛИН-ЯРА И ВОПРОСЫ СОЦИАЛЬ НО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОГО РАЗВИТИЯ ЦЕНТРАЛЬНО ГО ПРЕДКАВКАЗЬЯ В НАЧАЛЕ РАННЕГО ЖЕЛЕЗНО ГО
ВЕКА.......................................................................................... 375 Раздел IV. ХРОНОЛОГИЯ МОГИЛЬНИКА КЛИН-ЯР III............................... 386
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ................................................................................ 398 ПРИЛОЖЕНИЯ Таблица погребального обряда могильника КлинЯр III (по раскопкам А. Б. Белинского).........................................406 Результаты металлографического исследования же лезных изделий из могильника Клин-Яр III (раскопки А. Б. Белинского 1991 г.)............................................................426 БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ........................................................................... 427 АРХИВНЫЕ МАТЕРИАЛЫ............................................................436 СПИСОК СОКРАЩЕНИЙ............................................................437 SUMMARY......................................................................................438
SUMMARY The Klin-Yar III burial ground within the Kislovodsk city boundary is the most extensively examined Early Iron Age memorial in the Caucasus Min eral Waters area (with the total of 270 graves here investigated by V. S. Flyorov, Ya. B. Berezin, and A. B. Belinskij). The Introduction briefly describes the excavation record of this memorial in the light of the Koban culture antiquities (with its shared culture and history) stud ied in the area in the second half of 20 th century. Large-scale field research here virtually turned this burial into a model burial object of the Koban culture’s west ern area. Most burials found here (180 graves) were discovered thanks to the excavations done by the Governmental Unitarian Enterprise «Naslediye» (Heri tage) under A. B. Belinskij. Section I of the book presents the materials of the excavations. They con firmed a series of earlier observations on main features of the “West Koban” antiques, though some of them may re adjust certain expert generalizations. This primarily relates to the stud ied burial rite of the Klin-Yar III memo rial, analyzed in Section II. Excavation clearly demonstrated that basic ground interments were also quite common in the early Iron Age among the antiques of the ‘Westside’ or ‘Pyatigorsk’ ver sion of the Koban culture, - individual burial mounds, along with stone chests, most frequently without stone deco rations, were most prevalent over other burial types (in our case, 89 percent). At the same time, it came to light that Koban antiques of the Pyatigorsk area share the design philosophy of
other types of excavated memorial constructs (that belong to different modifications, combined with the manner of building graves of stones and slabs), and that requires a more detailed analysis of their presence in other burials. A set of shared features in West Ko ban memorials (and quite often, memo rials in other Northern Caucasus areas) was identified in the funereal rite. Among them: absolute majority of males buried lying on the right side, and females on the left; individual graves; the tradition of funereal feast (remainders of ritual tableware and bones of animals con sumed); and memorial gifts for the de ceased in form of individual decorations, labor tools, and objects of horse har ness, outside the main inventory of the burial; random use of wood to decorate burials; the ‘fire rite’ (residual charcoal in the grave filling); ‘funereal’ food (parts of animal carcasses) placed inside graves; manipulations with individual slabs and stones placed at the head of the deceased or upon him; and so on. Some rites were not widespread, but viv idly describe the popular ideology in the Kislovodsk basin territory (such as the ritual posthumous trepanation of a male warrior’s scull in Grave 177). We must single out a case, most uncommon, in our opinion, of two graves intentionally overlapped: the Grave 177 above over lapped Grave 186 of a noble rider with a bronze Assyrian-style helmet. The specifics of particular features of the Klin-Yar ritual in itself is most in dicative of the fact that comprehensive research of burials in the Pyatigorsk area (the Kislovodsk
basin in particular) could bring out the specific ethnocultur al differences between the population groups in this area of Central Cis-Caucasus. Arrowhead topography is ex traordinary (arrowheads were placed at the leg, rarely on top of the leg), as well as rubs and strape-ornàment knives, mostly worn at the hands or feet. The marker function of flint and obsidian chips (or small tools of this stone) is restricted to male burials of Klin-Yar III. It is the local inventories that dem-
onstrate with great clarity that knives, awls, and rubs were used as markers in the absence of weapons. On the other hand, Klin-Yar excavations clearly show that pots and goblets feature in female graves of the locale: only these graves contained grivna necklaces, bracelets, various pendants as purely female ac cessories. The materials of Klin-Yar III burials (along with those examined earlier) allow us to embark on research of sex roles in the autochthonous so cieties of Central Cis-Caucasia in the pre-Scythian era. Men had primarily the function of war (burials with weapons and horse harness, as well as tools of labor) and labor (burials with tools only), enhanced with the hospitality function (clay bowls), though the latter role is less obvious, as fewer vessels accom panied interred males. For women, their functions of cooking, clothing and hospitality (pots, bowls, and particularly guest goblets) prevailed, along with the function of sacral representation (rich head decorations, forehead bands, remarkable hair plait covers of bronze plates and rolls; a costume trimmed with shells, beads, pendants, etc.) Our analysis of material culture ob jects (Section III) produced interesting results. The novel approach to research of Klin-Yar ceramics (Section III.1) comprehensively examined the techni cal characteristics of main categories of burial clay pots. This not only allowed to identify properties of pots, bowls or gob lets, but also to establish great similari ties in relevant technologies (use of solid admixtures such as sand and gruss), to demonstrate the local
pottery traditions and identify its specifics in relation to other areas of the Koban cultural and historic community, particularly the east ern one where admixture of gruss and chamotte was predominant. Such clayware categories as bowls and pots were most typical for local antiquities of the early I millenium ВС, their rootsiying in the Bronze Age, an evidence of a singu lar character of autochthonous pottery. The tools (Section ¡11.2) used by inhabitants of the Klin-Yar Tract of the Early Iron Age, in their nomenclature (knives, awls, distaffs, etc.) were tra ditional for Koban community burials, including its western sector. Their gen eral Caucasus origin is indisputable. At the same time, they allow to trace likely ties with the Middle Europe (some Type I knives) and contacts with the VolgaKama area (Type V knives), as well as the influence of the steppe environ ment that determined the shape of the warrior’s (in a broad sense, male’s) kits (frequent rub stones). Occasional phallic-shaped rubs (Graves 190, 196, 300) are related to the stone and ances tor cult, which, in expert opinion (Mircha Eliade), were directly linked to the belief in the fertilizing force of the stone, and the fertility cult: the phallus symbolized existence, strength, and continuity. Section III.3 examines weapons and harness. These clearly describe the mili tary science of the local population in the Early Iron Age. Obviously, close combat weapons here were of key importance. Spears prevailed (over 50 samples), whose origin is traceable to the Cauca sus culture, particularly
Transcaucasian. Stone and metal hammers and stone hammer-axes dominated in military use, bronze-iron and iron-only daggers (and swords) being less common, and metal axes just incidental. We cannot overlook a splendid Koban-type doublecurved bronze axe, most uncommon for local antiquities of the early I millenium ВС, with engraving and iron incrusta tion (Grave 362), and a unique bronze scepter-hammer bearing solar signs, enclosed in a special case bag before interment (Grave 300). These exclusive weapon objects belonged to noble war riors. The memorial produced only one iron axe, which, however is similar to Doboz-Maro erdo (Eastern Hungary), in a group of IX-VIII cc BC antiques
SUMMARY՛ 440 with the Black Sea-Caucasus elements [Pałek, 1993, S. 24, Abb. 11]. All these weapons are mostly of Cau casus genesis. At the same time, some experts (A. I. Terenozhkin, M. I. Bandrivski, G. I. Smirnova, L. I. Krushelnitskaya) associate the origin of stone-made cylinder-shaped hammers with the Cim merians. Our view is that they reflect the impact of steppe warrior’s weapon style on the equipment of the locals who had probably used hammers (and rubs) even before establishing close contacts with East European steppe nomads, though not as a martial accessory. Shooting arms are represented by bone-and bronze-made arrowheads of Caucasus (stalk type) and Steppe (bush type). The former are traced down to a series of Koban and Transcaucasian/ Asia Minor samples, the latter represent arrowheads of Chemogorovsk, Novo cherkassk, and General Steppe types. The discovery of remainders of a Scythian-style bow in Grave 261 is worth a re mark: the first such occurrence in North Caucasus, and only second in the SouthEast of the Black Sea coastline steppes. Bow and arrows were actually quite com mon for autochthons of the Central CisCaucasus, yet there is increasingly more data in the ‘West Koban’ area. The remarkable bronze-made pro tection equipment and cult artifacts have been covered extensively: Assyri an-type helmets, bronze pectoral chestplates, and fragments of bronze scale armor from Grave 186 by A. B. Belinskij, Graves 14 and 16, as well as a demol ished grave of a warrior found in 1987 during excavation by Ya. B. Berezin (Белинский А. Б., 1990, c. 190-195;
Berezin Ya. B., Dudarev S. L, 1999, p. 179-216). They were either brought from Front Asia and Transcaucasia, or, most probably, were local replicas of similar equipment known to the South of the Main Caucasus Ridge, and relate to the age of Cimmerian campaigns. These rarities possibly evidence that lo cal population was part of incursions by the early nomads of Black Sea steppes into the areas of ancient eastern civi lizations in VIII-VII cc BC. Attempts to relate these findings to X-IX cc BC (A. I. Ivanchik) are inconsistent. Horse riding is an outstanding phe nomenon of the Caucasus Mineral Wa ters area. Of great significance here is harness of bronze and bone, including a two-ring stirrup-shaped (triangularended) bit; straight and curved threelooped rod-type cheek-pieces bits; three-holed cheek-pieces bits; singleringed bit molded together with straight three-looped cheek-pieces; bridle pla tes with a solar ornament). Nevertheless, we question the inde pendent role of riders as a tactical unit in IX through first half VII cc BC. Firstly, mounted warriors were, as we believe, a very narrow layer of the local society: of the 114 male graves in the Klin-Yar III memorial, only 11 belonged to riders, most frequently obvious from the elite nature of their graves. Secondly, as is well known, bow and arrows played the leading role in the arms of the steppe mounted warrior of Cimmerian age1. In spite of the above bow and arrow head set found in the rider Grave 297, we may not claim that such weapons were in common use with riders of KlinYar (and the Caucasus Mineral Waters
area on the whole). Instead, the spear was their principal weapon. Mounted spear fighters were known among the settled population of the area, showing that ancient Klin-Yar inhabitants had cultural and historical contacts with peo ples of the Ancient East (Assyrians) and others (Barnett R. D., Falkner M., 1962, pi. LXVII; Nagel W., 1967, taf. 2, 20, 21 ; ИванчикА. И., 2001, c. 270). Their im ages found on palace relief-plates leave no doubt that a well-organized military hierarchy existed of mounted spearfighters (who were equipped not only with a spear, but also carried a bow, or a spear and sword in the Assyrian troops of the notorious belligerent state of VIIIVII cc), as specialized and fairy large units acting in concert with other units (and enjoying their support and cover). We have no similar data on military or ganization among the North Caucasus population in the early Iron Age, nor do we have an answer to the question how
a battle continued once the rider lost his spear. We have no information whether the Central Cis-Caucasus riders had any other common and effective kind of arms apart from the spear that could be used in mounted combat. Examination of anthropological ma terials can be of special importance in the research of riders’ function in the early Iron Age in this Caucasus area. The 1999-2000 study of human bones from Klin-Yar burials by Doctor of His tory A. P. Buzhilova, Candidate of Biol ogy M.V. Kozlovskaya, and M.B. Mednikova (Laboratory of Physical Anthro pology under the Institute of Archeology of the Russian Academy of Science) established the presence of the stressby-cold indicator typical for highly mo bile individuals (primarily riders) in only one individual male, and even there to an insignificant degree. Archeologists recognize that the horse was most of all an attribute of so cial prestige (see Section IV) for the set tled tribes of Cis-Caucasus of the Early Iron Age, but in warfare, we might add, it was a ‘means of conveyance’, or, rather, a vehicle of ‘prestigious transportation for a noble warrior in the battlefield. Data of the world history and ethnography in dicate that chief commanders of a primi tive communal society at the stage of so cial stratification had to dismount at the time of combat to cheer up his tribesmen and encourage tribal unity. In our view, weapon structure close to that of Klin-Yar (typical for the en tire Central Cis-Caucasus) is traceable to the Protomeotic tribes. Little use of bow and arrows was a distinct feature of the
former culture, while the pres ence of darts used by mounted warriors has been repeatedly reported (also in common use in the Near East)2. Most probably, these shared features can be explained by similarities in evolution of local communities under historical cir cumstance of early I millenium ВС. Section Ш.4 covers an interesting collection of decorations from the KlinYar HI memorial including a variety of objects of bronze, kohl, and shells: pen dants, badges, buttons, bracelets, pins, grivnas, earrings; beads of sard, jade, glass, etc. They most vividly charac- SUMMARY 441 terize the female costume of the early centuries in I millenium ВС, which is of great significance to restore specific paleo-ethnographic details of commu nal life, ethnic, tribal, sext, and other distinctions [Цоде, 2002, p. 6]. Head decorations of tubular bronze plate or nament, badges, and shells, often com bined with forehead bands, are one of the most expressive and ethnographically significant details of the female attire. These were complemented with a remarkable headgear shaped as a garland of large bronze badges and tubes attached to the plait. It was in the Kislovodsk basin that such headgear was registered in its fullest. Bronze at tributes of female costume, frequently decorated with cross-shaped solar symbols, with a four-pointed star, sun rays (most distinct in the priestess buri als (Graves 182 242), and beads, are all linked with the layer of ancient local beliefs related to the worship of nature’s forces (the sun cult, fertility cult, cults of ancestors, stone, etc.), and
magical perceptions of the autochthons, con ditioned by their belief in the ability to influence nature’s powers and the pro tective force of specific amulets. Investigation of Klin-Yar III memo rial along with the data identified earlier (Grave 1 at Kislovodsk Furniture Facto ry) gives us grounds to speak of a fairly complex social structure of the local so ciety, to which Section IV is partly dedi cated. The funereal rite gives evidence that at the very least a distinct differen tiation by property existed among the tribal clans of the time, and 6 distinct groups (ranks) of autochthons are iden tifiable based on materials of 114 male burials. (Group I - rider graves, mount ed tribal aristocracy equipped with 1 to 3 types of weapons; Group II - graves of ‘unmounted aristocracy’ with two types of weapons; Group III - the most numerous - graves of ordinary warriors with one type of weapon; Group IV graves of ordinary unarmed men; Group V ֊ the poorest graves; Group VI - buri als of serf with no inventory [Belinsky,
SUMMARY’ 442 Dudarev Hõrke, 2001]. Remarkably, the first three of the 6 groups (or 57% of the total number of male burials exam ined) were representatives of the war rior stratum that held leading positions in the society. However, while stating its supremacy over their tribesmen by their burial inventory, this class gener ally could not still afford to isolate them selves from commoners by design and size of their graves, and on the exterior generally were undistinguishable from the rest: tribal traditions were still strong enough. The latter factor gives another angle on the richness of funereal sets of wealthy members of the society: such abundance could aiso be explained by the custom requiring that the wealth of the deceased be buried, divided, or de stroyed at the time of interment - prac tice known to many tribes around the world as the so-called potlatch institute. It may even have existed among certain groups of the Caucasus Albania (a so ciety on a much higher level of social development than the Cis-Caucasus tribes of the Early Iron Age), of whom Strabo wrote: «All his possessions are buried with the deceased, and so they live in poverty, deprived of their father’s property» (Strabo, XI, 4, 8). The social split produced individu als who concentrated both secular and sacral authority in their hands. The cat egory doubtlessly includes Grave 14 of a warrior priest, possibly a religious leader of the ancient Klin-Yar com munity. The man of Grave 186 could be another leader, and over his grave, Grave 177 was built with unusual ritual proceedings (posthumous
trepanation of the skull), suggesting special rever ence for the owner of a bronze helmet an object to which one of his tribesmen could be symbolically offered and bur ied in the overlapping grave. The other grave with a similar helmet found in 1987 being destroyed, and there is no way to reconstruct certain details of the ritual, unknown to date. Section IV also describes the unique results of an anthropological and chemi cal research on the remainders of 106 ancient inhabitants of Klin-Yar, by a group of scientists under A. R Buzhilova (Institute of Archaeology), and E.A. Alek sandrovskaya (Institute of Geography at the Russian Academy of Sciences). They allow to speak of a settled occupa tions and life style of Klin-Yar tract zone residents, to a great extent related to land farming. This is indicated by gristle hernias (in the absence of other signs of physical stress), almost total absence of stress-by-cold markers (typical, as mentioned before, for people of high lo comotion level, and found in the Sarmat and Alan sampling of Klin-Yar III). At the same time, the economy of Klin-Yar was not entirely agricultural, but composite (land and cattle farming), specifically suggested by the nature of dental dis eases: low level caries compared to its occurrence among Caucasus residents in the Bronze Age (1.5-2.6%), medium wear-out of masticatory surfaces; the data on concentration of chemical ele ments (zinc, copper, strontium) in the bodies (bones) of the interred. According to conclusions of A. R Bu zhilova and her colleagues, food of vegetarian origin prevailed
over meats in the Koban diet. Local inhabitants had certain problems with meat supply, as seen from differences in zinc concen tration compared to the Sarmat and Alan samplings of Klin-Yar III. Malnutri tion and undernourishment were prob ably more typical for Koban inhabitants. High-level child stress in the Koban group, suggested by signs of delayed growth (enamel hypoplasia, the Har ris lines), is explainable by periods of famine, malnourishment, and abrupt change from child food to adult diet. Yet researchers insist, “there exists no obvious evidence of low life standard in the Koban sampling, and that only sug gests occasional periods (italicized by the authors) of insufficient nourishment” [Бужилова, Козловская, Медникова, 2000]. It is noted at the same time that the level anemia, most typical for women and children, is insignificant in the Koban population of Klin-Yar. The disease was registered at Klin-Yar only sporadically, compared to synchronous population groups. Anemia rate ranged
27.6-35% in European countries, and affected one out of four inhabitants in the Middle East, reaching a high 63100% in the Mediterranean countries. The average age of deceased men was 35.5 years, of women - 33 years. It is also worth a note that no mortal ity peaks were observed in either sex, indicating a relatively high life standard in the group. Along with land and cattle farming, the builders of the Klin-Yar III memorial also engaged in trades, exemplified by tools of labor covered in Section III.2. The nature of the tools examined, and the level of ceramic industry suggest a household nature of trades that had not yet undergone specialization, prob ably with one exception of non-ferrous metallurgy and metalworking. Chemical analysis of bone material may indicate that its use was not a monopoly of mem bers of male group IV (Grave 330), but that it was also used by warriors (Grave 204, 306). High content of zinc, arsenic, zirconium, cerium, and silver registered in the bone materials of Grave 330 sug gests that the man had been in metal smelting: in the process of smelting, zinc is the first to find its way into the atmosphere, and when inhaled, it accu mulates in osseous tissues. The above warrior graves contained pathologies due to reduced body contents of iron and copper in combination with higher con tents of barium, zirconium, bromine, and strontium (Grave 204), or lead and mer cury (Grave 306) [Александровская, 2001, c. 9]. High-ranking warriors too were connected with the trade of met allurgy (Grave 300 with a clay ladle for metal casting). Evidence of
tribal nobil ity engaged in metallurgical trade was also found in the Serzhen-Yurt burial [Козенкова, 2002, c. 137]. This unique research also suggests environmental problems existing even in early I millenium ВС. According to E. I. Aleksandrovskaya, low zinc content in the bones of Koban inhabitants (down to 2.5 mg per 100 g in Grave 385, or even as low as 2.0 mg per 100 g in Grave 349, the standard being 14 mg per 100 g) can be explained by cancer pathologies. According to E. I. Aleksandrovskaya, in this case, nickel, the content of which SUMMARY 443 is invariably high in examined Koban bones, caused cancer, acting as a carci nogenic factor. The researcher explains high nickel content in water and plants by the location of the Klin-Yar area next to deposits of iron, chrome, and nickel. The invariably high strontium content in examined bones was another probable carcinogen - its excessive level results in bone fragility and cancer. Bromine, rubidium and zirconium also belong to the chemical elements with very high content in the bone systems of Koban inhabitants. E. I. Aleksandrovska ya explains the presence of bromine and rubidium by the fact that the local popu lation used particular water sources. The environmental specifics account for the presence of zirconium, barium and manganese in the bones of the Ko ban population. These elements accu mulate in wood (e.g., zirconium tends to build up in shrubs, and barium in wood species), and escape into atmo sphere as they are burned, entering the human body, probably with the smoke of fireplaces, stoves and hearths.
Most Koban inhabitants having normal bari um content, abnormalities should prob ably show in the individuals exposed to smoke and ashes around stoves and fireplaces, while the use of the latter was probably connected to a degree with ancient manufacturing processes. Curiously, health hazard due to met allurgie works is found not only in per sons directly involved, but also in a part of population dwelling near them. For example, the vertebra of an individual in Grave 385 shows high content of man ganese, barium, and zirconium, com bined with high content of zinc, mercury, arsenic, and gallium, therefore suggest ing proximity to metal works. That situa tion, similarly to the present-day environ mental problems, also affected children growing up next to such works. This is clearly illustrated by the remains of chil dren from Grave 198 (considerably high content of manganese, barium, zirco nium, lanthanum, cerium, bromine, and strontium), and Grave 329 (the child’s
------------------------------------------- ■ SUMMARY·--------------------------------------------- 444 dental system contained high residual copper, arsenic, mercury, lead, and lan thanum). The skull of the girl from Grave 375 had higher level of manganese, bar ium, and zirconium - a consequence of smoke from fire or hearth, by which she had spent much time. Therefore, met allurgie works were a health hazard for those living next to it. The picture of external contacts of Klin-Yar population in the early Iron Age is most graphic. The dynamics and di rection of these contacts can be illustrat ed by the burial chronology covered in Section V, and basically fits the general chronological pattern of cultural contacts in the Cis-Caucasus of X-VII cc BC. In X—IX cc BC, contacts with zones adjacent to the Koban area and the steppe territory of European South-East were vitally important. Klin-Yar III buri als of the period register Belozersk-type ceramics, stone hammer-axes of North Caucasus and Black Sea Coast invento ry, and a most archaic type of Koban ar rows - the flat-rod arrowheads. That was the time when the late-Belozersk phe nomenon was going extinct, a transition to a new historical era of early nomads in the Black Sea coastline steppes. The first half IV through VII cc ВС saw an increase in autochthonous con tacts with the steppe, and it was in this environment that their interrelation with the Central European tribes evolved. Contacts with Transcaucasia were sta ble and significant. That period in KlinYar III is marked by discoveries of the earliest arms
and harness of the Chernogorovsk and Novocherkassk type, at times combined with archaic Caucasus and Front Asia samples of Late Bronze to Early Iron Age, as well as discoveries of shapes in parallel to the HaB2 pe riod Danube cultures (iron dagger with a bronze grip ornamented with a string of circles, similar to the Štramberk find ing). Starting from the second half of VIII century BC in Cis-Caucasus, a certain decline occurs in old contacts, with the steppe-based pre-Scythian Eastern Eu ropean population and the Central Eu ropean tribes of the НаВЗ period, even though such contacts existed approxi mately until the turn of VIII—VII cc ВС [Pare, 1998. Beilage III, 48; IV, 76, 79; V, 32-35,39-40; Chochorowski, 1993, s. 202-203; Kemenczei, 1994, p. 598; Тереножкин, 1976, c. 198-207]. The period from late VIII to VII cc ВС was of great significance for Klin-Yar III, and is known as the time of cultural and ethnic elements penetrating from East ern Eurasia, and of contacts between Transcaucasia and West Asia. It is es pecially clear from the emergence of bronze objects of protection equipment and full military outfit in the Kislovodsk basin and around the Klin-Yar tract, that originated in the areas south of the Main Caucasus Ridge: Assyrian’-style helmets, coat of mail, and pectorals of Transcaucasian and West-Asian de sign, as well as certain types of Kolkhida bracelets (Grave 186 by A.B. Belinskij, Graves 14 25, the demolished grave of a warrior by Ya. B. Berezin in 1987), etc. Most importantly, helmets, armor fragments, and pectorals mark the functional periods of
horse harness of ‘pre-classical’ and ‘classical’ Novo cherkassk type in the Northern Cau casus and Eastern Europe, as well as discoveries of objects linked to the ar rival of most ancient Scythian elements in the Northern flank of Main Cauca sus (the Beshtaugorsk treasure). At the same time, the latest stretch of the pre-Scythian period was also the period of rebuilding contacts with the Middle Stream Volga region, whose population was an ‘external relation’ counterpart of Northern Caucasus peoples for not only the Early Iron period, but for much longer time. In the course of this material’s chron ological analysis, the authors make two more observations of significance. First ly, notwithstanding all available materi als, there are no signs of abrupt change in traditional culture elements (primar ily the funereal rite, ceramics, women’s decorations) in VII century BC, namely, during transition from pre-Scythian to Scythian times. Secondly, the early Scythian influence proper does not be come distinct in the Klin-Yar III complex es until the second half of VII BC.
The Conclusive Part of the work sums up research results, including the value of the Klin-Yar N1 burial materi als for the study of iron technology de velopment in the central Cis-Caucasus area. Metallographie analysis of iron wares dated by pre-Scythian period in the Klin-Yar memorial (spearheads from the demolished warrior grave of 1987, Graves 303 313, and random discov eries within the memorial’s boundary; an iron sword blade with a bronze hilt from a 1987 burial; the axe from Grave 320), done by candidate of historical sciences N. N. Terekhova, indicate that articles of black metal were mainly manufactured of iron or irregularly cemented steel (i.e. ball iron), with no further improve ment of performance characteristics, while carbonization was only done very infrequently. Only the axe from Grave 320 was made of specially produced steel. The steppe tradition was appar ently strong in the local iron-working, though some individual objects (Grave 320) found are related to the Trans caucasian cultural historical evolution of ferrous metal processing [Терехова, Эрлих, 2002]. It is hard to tell whether this conclusion is universally applicable to all iron articles from Klin-Yar III memo rial. The majority of these articles could not be examined due to the high degree of corrosion. At any rate, this ‘dualism’ is also typical for memorials of Protomeotic cultural and historic commonality [Терехова, Эрлих, 2002]. Be as it may, the chronological analy sis in Section V of the book allows to assume that the first iron articles in the burials of the memorial date back to
as early as X-IX cc BC (knife from Grave 127 by V. S. Flyorov). Somewhat later, in IX to first half of VIII century, iron and bimetallic articles grow noticeably more і SUMMARY՛ 445 numerous (dagger, spearheads, pole ax, knives in graves 303, 362, 280, 320). Later on, in burials dated by second half VIII to first half VII BC, iron articles spearheads and knives - become quite common. The materials of the memo rial offer a total of more than 50 knives (comprising all data of the excavation, and including evidence from the raided graves), whereof only two are of bronze, while of more than 50 spearheads only 4 are of bronze [!]). Axes were found in equal bronze to iron ratio (1:1). Only the proportion of iron swords and daggers with bronze hilts against bronze ham mers to iron samples was clearly not in favor of the latter; 6:2 and 3:1, respec tively. Obviously, even in the pre-Scythi an period, iron articles definitely outnum bered bronze and bimetallic ones. This data correlates with the earlier conclu sion that the tribes of Central Cis-Cau casus lived through the bronze to iron transition period in IX to VIII c BC, to en ter the stage of widespread iron-working technology in VIII-VII cc ВС [Дударев, 1983, c. 19-20]. Obviously, the analysis presented here is not the ultimate truth: it reflects the author’s approach to the era with its material culture. Most importantly, specialists and all those interested in ancient history and archeology of Northern Caucasus have access to a first-rate historical source - the Klin-Yar HI materials with many rare and often unique
discoveries of great scientific significance - that may assist them in addressing specific challenges of Early Iron Age memorials of one of the most interesting regions in Russia. It is not by accident that there is not a single occurrence of spear on the Fore-Caucasus Cimmerian steles bear ing the likeness of weapons and bows in Gorit cases. These are unknown in burial complexes of steppe-based riders in pre-Scythian age (A. I. Meliukova), and are indeed very uncommon to the north of Black Sea coast, not only in that period, but in the Scythian archaic age too (A. I. Terenozhkin, V. Yu. Murzin). Yet spears feature in the complexes of Steppe-Forest Zone (Butenki, Nosachovo, Kvitki), marked by close ties with the Northern Caucasus, including the data of metallographic analysis of iron objects (N. N. Terekhova, T. N. Nikitenko). շ See reconstruction of rider s arms and horse harness according to Hasaniu IV [Sc/rauensee, 1989, p. 49, fig. 22], mounted images on a Syrian vessel from a Palestrina burial dated VIII - early VII cc BC. (Northern Latium) [Collis, 1997, p. 67, fig. 16 а].
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Belinskij, Andrej Borisovič ca. 20./21. Jh Dudarev, Sergej Leonidovič 1951- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1147708886 (DE-588)1074225600 |
| author_facet | Belinskij, Andrej Borisovič ca. 20./21. Jh Dudarev, Sergej Leonidovič 1951- |
| author_role | aut aut |
| author_sort | Belinskij, Andrej Borisovič ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_variant | a b b ab abb s l d sl sld |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV045338600 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1110088845 (DE-599)BVBBV045338600 |
| era | Geschichte v1000-v600 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte v1000-v600 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic_facet | Mogil'nik Klin-Jar 3 |
| id | DE-604.BV045338600 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-20T18:24:27Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9785906137562 |
| language | Russian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-030725339 |
| oclc_num | 1110088845 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 446 Seiten Illustrationen (teils farbig), Karten (schwarz-weiß) |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20190802 |
| publishDate | 2015 |
| publishDateSearch | 2015 |
| publishDateSort | 2015 |
| publisher | Dizajn-studija B |
| record_format | marc |
| spellingShingle | Belinskij, Andrej Borisovič ca. 20./21. Jh Dudarev, Sergej Leonidovič 1951- Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa Bestattung (DE-588)4006054-8 gnd Eisenzeit (DE-588)4014102-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4006054-8 (DE-588)4014102-0 (DE-588)7617825-0 |
| title | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa |
| title_auth | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa |
| title_exact_search | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa |
| title_full | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa A.V. Belinskij, S.L. Dudarev ; Ministerstvo obrazovanija i nauki Rossijskoj Federacii, FGBOU VPO "Armavirskij gosudarstvennyj pedagogičeskij universitet", Obščestvennaja akademija nauk, kulʹtury i obrazovanija Kavkaza |
| title_fullStr | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa A.V. Belinskij, S.L. Dudarev ; Ministerstvo obrazovanija i nauki Rossijskoj Federacii, FGBOU VPO "Armavirskij gosudarstvennyj pedagogičeskij universitet", Obščestvennaja akademija nauk, kulʹtury i obrazovanija Kavkaza |
| title_full_unstemmed | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa A.V. Belinskij, S.L. Dudarev ; Ministerstvo obrazovanija i nauki Rossijskoj Federacii, FGBOU VPO "Armavirskij gosudarstvennyj pedagogičeskij universitet", Obščestvennaja akademija nauk, kulʹtury i obrazovanija Kavkaza |
| title_short | Mogilʹnik Klin-Jar III i ego mesto sredi drevnostej Kavkaza i Jugo-Vostočnoj Evropy načala ėpochi Rannego železa |
| title_sort | mogilʹnik klin jar iii i ego mesto sredi drevnostej kavkaza i jugo vostocnoj evropy nacala epochi rannego zeleza |
| topic | Bestattung (DE-588)4006054-8 gnd Eisenzeit (DE-588)4014102-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Bestattung Eisenzeit Mogil'nik Klin-Jar 3 |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030725339&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030725339&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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